Usually my posts involve personal anecdotes that help me better understand the world, not political opinion pieces. But I, like the rest of America, have been thinking a lot about where we are as a country, especially since the election, and I can do my best to provide an analysis based on an understanding of history. So here we go (I hope you like geopolitical history essays written by a music teacher) –
A country needs a justification to exist.
For most of modern history, this has been simple: a country is so because a sovereign rules it. The control of a monarch over land vis-a-vis military might was all the justification needed, regardless of who was in that land, what language they spoke, and which religion they practiced. Borders shifted and maps were drawn according to the whims of monarchs and the feats of their armies. Royal marriages were enough to make entire countries disappear off the map. A country goes the way of the royal inheritance.
i.e. France is France because it is owned by the King of France.
(Of course, there are exceptions, like Switzerland, which seemed to exist largely to spite the Habsburgs, and continues to exist largely to spite everyone else.)
With the rise of nationalism, justification became linked to language. People found cultural bonds amongst other people who spoke the same language, read the same literature, and shared the same culture. The power of the monarch declined and the power of nation increased.
i.e. France is France because it is where people speak French.
This created huge problems for existing countries losing their justification, and maps were redrawn. Using 19th Century Central Europe as a model: in the span of something like twelve years, Germany unified, Italy unified, Romania unified, and Serbia gained independence. Suddenly Germans, Italians, Romanians, and Serbs in Austria-Hungary, united only by the rule of an emperor in a country justified by it happening to already exist, are looking towards their corresponding nation-states wondering why they aren’t a part of them, and whether they should be. Austrian Poles, Croats, and Hungarians start remembering a glorious independent history (revised for maximum patriotism, of course), and Czechs, Slovaks, and Ukrainians start dreaming of their own sovereignty. Suddenly, the world explodes in 1914, and Austria-Hungary goes splat: a country dead, because it lost all justification to live.
The nations could celebrate, but of course this also caused problems. The justification of a country by its dominant nation creates a problem for those who exist in that country apart from that nation. Whether that nation is defined by language, religion, culture, or a shared historical memory, the security of the country now depends on the purity of that nation, lest it too lose its justification and die. Genocide is the logical conclusion of unchecked nationalism, if that is indeed your country’s primary justification. The histories of nation-building and nation-cleansing share an ignominious connection.
However, alongside countries justified by monarch and countries justified by nation arose another phenomenon of justification: philosophy.
This brings me to the United States and, conversely, the Soviet Union.
The United States is unique in that its founding justification was not a language, a religion, or a king, but rather Enlightenment Era principles of liberty and self-governance. Of course, there is a debate to be had about how far the United States went to that end. But in the myth to establish the justification for existence, a country needs only to believe. And in a federated constitutional government of the people, protecting the inalienable rights of those people, they did believe (sort of, and eventually), and our history shows a general trend towards that goal.
The Soviet Union, similarly, was founded not on language, but rather on economic and social theories of a revolutionary age. The great narrative of Soviet self-justification was the steadfast and unwavering belief that they were the spearhead of an inevitable global revolution towards a classless utopia. Now, as we know, the implementation of such a project was deeply flawed, and the narrative was cynically accepted by a coerced and unwilling population, many of whom would prefer to self-justify as independent nations. But nonetheless, the believers and proselytizers were powerful. The justification stuck, if by nothing more than brute force (until it all came toppling down when not even the true believers could rationalize its continued existence).
Then World War II happened: the most horrible manmade event in the history of civilization, whose greatest moral failings lay at the feet of countries justified by nation, and whose triumphant heroes championed countryhood by philosophy.
So with nationalism disgraced; what is a nation-state to do? In a post-World War II landscape, what holds a country in Europe together? Perhaps fear of yet another war? Perhaps the fatigue of great change? Maybe after all the border-shifting and forced relocations creating nice, tidy, homogeneous populations, nationalism still had something to do with Europe’s postwar stability. But what happens when those populations start to diversify, and the trauma of war becomes a distant memory? The fear is gone. Soviet coercion is gone. The memory of burning cities and massacred civilians dies with our grandparents. The questions arise: what is Hungary anyway? What was Hungary? How do we define Hungary? They’ll find answers in the only place they can: the past.
(I use Hungary as a troubling example of a prominent country drifting towards chauvinistic nativism. If Hungary looks at itself after a few generations of Post-Communist self-governance, and the only thing that distinguishes them from the rest of the world is that they are Hungarians who speak Hungarian, of course they’re going to be opposed to immigration. This is why the Great-Replacement Theory finds such a powerful audience in otherwise progressive European states: if we allow immigrants, at what point does our justification for existence shift to something that excludes me, or become nothing at all?)
(One can also look to the collapse of Yugoslavia in the 1990’s, once held together by a philosophical justification that then grew thin and rang hollow before it succumbed to the justifications of nationalism, and subsequently administered genocide.)
But what about the United States? It’s not a nation-state. It’s the great melting pot of the world, whose philosophical justifications still ring true! …right?
The idea of the United States as a bulwark of Liberty was strong enough to keep its narrative of justification going for hundreds of years (never mind the Civil War), at first because it was alone as the major Enlightened Republic in a great sea of autocracies, and later because it fancied itself as the great savior of the world, exporting its form of government (and expanding its economic influence and military control) lest the world fall prey to the Nazis or Soviets or whomever they’re ideologically opposed to in the moment. Manifest Destiny was at first about land, but it has always really been about power and influence, justified by our narrative of freedom and liberty for all the world’s people.
And guess what, we won! A McDonald’s on every corner! Investors in every capital! The world is largely run by constitutional republics, many of which are more functional than our own, with higher rates of happiness and well-being for their citizens, and greater advancements in technological innovation.
So now what? Manifest Destiny is over. What are we? What is our justification? We’re not the only free country. We’re not the bastion of enlightenment principles. We’re no longer fighting the Soviets or the Native Americans or whomever else is getting in the way of our Destiny. Our enemies are nebulous concepts like “terrorism” or “poverty.” Our battles with places like China are economic in nature, rather than ideologically justified. We’ve cynically accepted authoritarian regimes and ideological adversaries as long as they are economically or geopolitically advantageous to us. The truths that we tell ourselves to justify us (that we are the world’s greatest champion of liberty, freedom, and innovation) are ringing empty.
So in the absence of our justifying narrative, with our Destiny fulfilled (or dismissed), we have to create something to keep us alive. But what? This question I believe is the basis of why our political reality is so troubling. We can point to things like an unaccountable partisan media, social media echo chambers, diverging influences between rural and urban populations, etc. But I believe we are susceptible to the influence of this media landscape because deep in the heart of the country’s psyche, we are in a crisis of justification. We are wondering why we continue to exist, and we want answers. Any answers – including wrong ones, ones based in misinformation and falsehoods, and ones supported by historical negationism.
(I also believe this is happening in Russia, once finding its justification in the legitimacy of the Tsar and Orthodoxy, then deciding to blow that up in favor of Soviet Communism, and then after that delusion collapsed, experienced a nihilistic void of meaning, leading them to find answers in an authoritarian megalomaniac promising a return to some sort of mythical glory.)
If we are to distill the political Right and Left down to their basic generic principles (in a very flawed way), we could say that the Right looks to the past for guidance and the Left looks to the future for guidance. This idea can be reinforced by looking at historical patterns. In general, the Right yearns for traditional values and the maintenance of economic, social, and political structures from the past, whether it be Catholicism and the King (in the example of France circa the 1791) or Nativism and Limited Government (in the example of the USA circa 2009). Contrarily, the Left yearns for breaking traditional values and a shift in economic, social, and political structures, whether it be No Taxation Without Representation (in the example of the USA circa 1776) or All Power to the Dictatorship of the Proletariat (in the example of the USSR circa 1918).
The past has the advantage of being a known, unwavering entity. The past can never change, and the further we get from it, the more it settles into a comfortable nostalgia. We feel secure in the past. The future, however, is unknown and therefore unstable. In a crisis of justification, the past provides for us something stable that seems to guarantee our continued survival, and to go back to the past seems more alluring to an insecure people than to push towards an unknown and unrecognizable future in which our country might turn out to be dead.
I think this is a context in which we can better understand our current social, cultural, and political situation. The Right can invoke the past, whether a true past or a mythical past, to provide a sense of security for an increasingly insecure population. The Left proposes policies that they think will create a better country, but fails to navigate through a crisis of justification.
But what justifications do we find in the past? The same ones that have existed for centuries: Nation, Language, Religion, Traditional Norms and Values. And because we are a nation that still tells itself that it believes in its justification by philosophy (that we are an Enlightened land of Liberty), the symbols and slogans of that philosophy are appropriated to legitimize the justifications by nation: e.g. “We the People” implies that some of us are not the people. Who is it that aren’t the people? Or, “The Constitution is under attack,” when the candidate who condones my nationalist justifications loses an election.
We can see this appropriation in how rhetoric is connected to policy. For instance, calls for a stricter border and mass deportation are designed to protect a justification by nation, veiled under the language of “they don’t pay taxes” (1776 tells us we are a nation of consenting taxpayers) or “keep criminals out” (we need to protect our families, that is to say our culture). Nativism has always been about protecting a justification by nation. As another example, requiring the Ten Commandments or Bibles in school is about asserting a cultural hegemony that feels under threat, that looks back into a past of religious unity, veiled under the language of morality or a connection to our legal code. Pro-America history curriculum is designed to provide for a belief in the lasting validity of our Manifest Destiny and tie it into a racial, cultural, or religious legacy. Boys want to be a part of a world where men once reigned supreme. Even trivial culture-war issues like making fun of vegans and electric cars, buying big trucks, or insisting that men pee standing up can be tied to a fear of a diminishing cultural preponderance that would then make our justification by nation, vis-a-vis its values and customs, at risk. After all, what is America if not constantly eating cows and driving large cars??
So what is the alternative to a nationalistic justification in a disillusioned society? I… don’t know. But I think it’s important to remember that the founding narrative of the United States: that we are a land of liberty in which free citizens may pursue happiness under the protection of the law, is not yet a fulfilled destiny, nor does its mission need to ring hollow as if we only cynically accept it as mere rhetoric. This country was founded as an alternative to the Old World – a place where an individual was not beholden without consent to a flag or monarch or state apparatus or religious institution, where deference towards social hierarchy or nobility need not be paid. How that can be translated into actionable policy with identifiable symbols resulting in an appealing and unifying message, I have yet to see. But in order to navigate us through this crisis of justification without falling for those forbidden fruits of nationalism and autocracy, it must, lest we fall prey to those fruits, or lose all justification and cease to exist.